Fashion and the 'Cult of Celebrity'


Home > Fashion and the 'Cult of Celebrity'

Fashion and the 'Cult of Celebrity'


Fame is not a new phenomenon. Characters of renown were admired in Ancient Greek and early Christian cultures (1). Military, political and romantic heroes were worshipped similarly in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Tales of their achievements formed the basis of the pedestal on which they were raised. However, the 'Graphic Revolution' (2) of the twentieth century heralded profound changes in the nature of stardom. Developments in photographic and cinematic technologies allowed images to be mechanically reproduced for mass dispersal in the media. The celebrity now became 'someone who is well-known for his well-knownness' (3), a name renowned more for charismatic beauty than for heroic achievement. In this 'Cult of Celebrity', superficial images began to replace ideals of virtue in a growing passion for celebrity itself.


It is unsurprising therefore to find the 'Cult of Celebrity' implicated in aspects of fashion in contemporary culture. Since the glamour of Hollywood celebrities in the 1920s and 30s, images of the female body in the media have become increasingly distanced from the bodies of real women. However, these representations of hyper-reality are compelling ideas of perfection. They convey the promise that such beauty is not only attainable for the minority but possible for the majority 'if only we knew how they did it'. Interest in celebrity lifestyles therefore extends to the make-up and clothes they wear, the hair products they use and the perfumes they favour. Consequently, the development of such celebrity styles can be related to the marketing and consumption of star-endorsed beauty products (4). The 'Cult of Celebrity' encourages the female body to be viewed as a commodity in the construction of beauty, power and desire.


Why do these images of celebrities hold such power over us? As the feminist philosopher Susan Bordo writes, 'we all know that Cher and virtually every other female star over the age of twenty-five is the plastic product of numerous cosmetic surgeries on face and body.' (5) Daniel Boorstin, a social critic writing in 1961, similarly identified false appearances in contemporary culture. He argued that celebrities are counterfeit people whose identities are staged and scripted to create an illusion of reality (6). And yet, studies show that the sale of diet foods in America rose by 10 per cent per annum between 1960 and 1980 (7) and that 37 million women worldwide attend classes run by Weightwatchers (8). In other words, we aspire to resemble images of celebrities despite awareness of their unreality.


The sociologist Jean Baudrillard suggests that the 'Cult of Celebrity' is part of a larger trend towards living in the 'ecstasy of communication' (9). We are bombarded by a succession of surface images in the media that do not connect with reality. As a result, the distinction between what is real and what is imaginary disintegrates. In effect, the beauty portrayed in images of celebrities becomes 'more real than real' in our consumer culture. This is echoed by the cultural critic John Fiske when he writes that 'fantasy can be as 'real' an experience as any other.' (10) For example, the surprisingly numerous amateur entries to a 'Make My Video' competition run in 1987 by MTV and Madonna for her song 'True Blue' pictured girl fans dressed and made up like Madonna, 'singing' her song in the relatively mundane, suburban setting of their own homes. These videos show how the public unreality of Madonna's images had been incorporated into the private, everyday lives of many teenage girls.


In an ethnographic study of women's experiences in Britain during World War II, Jackie Stacey questions why women wanted to relate to feminine images produced for the male gaze in the cinema (11). She concludes that female spectators imitated the latest styles in celebrity culture in order to become as desirable by the men in their lives as they perceived the female stars to be. In effect, Hollywood standards became the measure against which women in British society rated their beauty and power. The social critic Rene Girard (12) also argues that we are trying to become more like the people we admire when we use them as models to imitate. In other words, unrealistic images of beauty in celebrities are compelling precisely because they highlight our own flaws and inadequacies. We identify with celebrities because they seem to possess qualities that are lacking in ourselves. If we wear the same clothes and use the same make-up as they do, we too will possess these qualities. Advertising within the 'Cult of Celebrity' is therefore a potent means of increasing consumer demand for beauty products. For example, following the launch of the first celebrity lifestyle magazine in 1994, the managing director explained that 'InStyle' used celebrities to cover fashion because 'readers were weary of looking at models with whom they could not identify.' (13) When readers sought to buy a jumper that Winona Ryder was said to prefer wearing, they inevitably asked fashion designer Beth Bowley for the 'Winona sweater'.


It appears therefore that ideals of beauty are perpetuated through the 'Cult of Celebrity'. It is not enough to realize the unreality of such portrayals of celebrity beauty. Images of glamorous, attractive female stars contrast sharply with our everyday experiences and so encourage escapism, identification and consumption. The effects of stardom on contemporary culture are perhaps most vividly expressed by the actress Angela Basset: 'I'm sure you're all wondering what my forecast is for what people will be in the next millennium. I really hope to see more people wearing integrity, strength and respect for each other. The classics never go out of fashion.' (14)


(1) Braudy, L. (1986) The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and its history, New York, Oxford University Press.


(2) Boorstin, D. (1962) The Image: A guide to Pseudo Events in America, New York, Vintage.


(3) Boorstin, D. Ibid.


(4) Barbas, S. (2001) Movie Crazy: Fans, Stars and the Cult of Celebrity, New York and London, Palgrave.


(5) Bordo, S. (1993) Unbearable Weight: feminism, western culture and the body, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press.


(6) Boorstin, D. Ibid.


(7) Schwartz, H. (1986) Never Satisfied: a cultural history of diets, fantasies and fat, London, Collier Macmillan.


(8) Wolf, N. (1990) The Beauty Myth, London, Chatto and Windus.


(9) Baudrillard, J. (1985) The Ecstasy of Communication in H. Foster (ed.), Postmodern Culture, London, Pluto Press.


(10) Fiske, J. (1989) Understanding Popular Culture, London, Routledge.


(11) Stacey, J. (1994) Star Gazing: Hollywood Cinema and Female Spectatorship, New York, Routledge.


(12) see The Forces of Beauty and Desire in Fashion Imitation


(13) Martha Nelson quoted in the Autumn 1998 issue of Min Magazine.


(14) Speech to 'The Fashion Group International's Night of Star's', 2000.

The Forces of Beauty and Desire in Fashion Imitation


Home > The Forces of Beauty and Desire in Fashion Imitation

The Forces of Beauty and Desire in Fashion Imitation


It would hardly be controversial to mention beauty and desire in the same sentence. We desire to be beautiful, to own beautiful objects, to be with beautiful people. Yet, whilst many theories of beauty search for its origins and role, the nature of desire itself is often neglected. Our daily experiences assure us that desiring something is a conscious, spontaneous act. The things we desire are the things we have chosen. But what if this is not the case? What would this mean for a theory of beauty?


Rene Girard (b. 1923), a French anthropologist, literary critic and religious writer, questions the assumption that desire is conscious and spontaneous. He views desire as something that is formed in the relationships people have with each other rather than as something found within individuals themselves. Perhaps more importantly, he stresses that imitation underlies the relationships in which desire is created. He claims that "humans learn what to desire by taking other people as models to imitate." (1) In contrast to the Platonic tradition in philosophy in which wanting is separated from imitation, Girard's theory of mimetic desire is significant in its connection of these two concepts. As an example, my best friend who is more beautiful than me wants to buy a dress. The theory of mimetic desire says that I also want the dress, not because I believe it to be a beautiful dress but rather because it is a dress that is desired by my beautiful friend.


Two important points emerge from this scenario. The first is that my desire to have the dress is a direct response to the way in which I compare myself unfavourably with my friend. Moreover, by owning the dress she likes, I hope to take on the qualities I admire in her but perceive to be lacking in myself. In essence, I am trying to become my friend when I copy her desires. As Girard states, "aware of a lack within ourselves, we look to others to teach us what to value and who to be." (2) Desire is therefore about self-identity. Advertising can be seen to exploit this insight. How much more fiercely do we desire a product when it is pictured in the hands of a celebrity with whom we identify than when it is held by someone unknown?


The second point is that my friend is likely to take my imitation of her desire for the dress as a competitive threat especially if there is only one such dress hanging on the shop rail. As Girard writes, when "two hands reach for the same object simultaneously, conflict cannot fail to result." (3) However, mimetic desire is not limited to my friend and myself. It is present among whole communities of people. Think about the heated tension that characterises the "I must have" attitude of buyers in shop sales.


Interestingly, mimetic desire can also be observed in higher order apes, the species closest to the point of hominisation. A chimpanzee desires to have exactly the same banana that another desires, even when alternative bananas are available. Rivalry escalates until the weaker chimpanzee surrenders and the dominant chimpanzee wins the banana. However, Girard highlights an important difference in the resolution of such conflict among humans. He claims that we lose sight of the object that initiated our rivalry. We struggle instead to win prestige over our competitors. In other words, we forget about the banana. There is therefore no natural braking mechanism in violence among humans because the weaker will not surrender. Girard claims that order is only restored when a number of people join together as a community to punish an otherwise innocent scapegoat through acts of sanctioned violence.


The Aztec myth of the sacrifice of the god Tezcatlipoca illustrates this scapegoating mechanism. The reign of the god-king Quetzacoatl ended when the ostentatious behaviour of Tezcatlipoca led to social chaos among the people who admired him. These very people who first adored Tezcatlipoca now turned against him, slaying him horrifically. The social reconciliation that followed convinced the crowd that they had in fact slain a god. Temples were built and sacrifices offered to worship the god Tezcatlipoca. It is striking that this ancient Aztec story closely resembles the fortunes of such beautifully "deified" celebrities as Marilyn Monroe and Princess Diana. Generating both admiration and envy among their adoring public, their mental health problems and untimely deaths are modern parallels to the slaying of Tezcatlipoca.


There is a sense in which the fashion industry itself is part of the scapegoating mechanism. We all want the same things and these are provided through the marketing of beauty products. On one side, many people profit from the consumption and exchange of goods. On the other side, however, there are many losers, or victims. Is the fashion industry, which has itself a limited life span, nothing more than a sacrificial procedure?


What does this mean for a theory of beauty? In answer to our original question, we can see that mimetic desire challenges traditional theories of beauty in a number of ways. Firstly, it argues that beauty as such may not exist as something that an object or person individually possesses, but is socially constructed through the imitation of another person's desire. This leads to the insight that the act of finding someone or something beautiful is ultimately about our own self-identity. Finally, competition and rivalry are revealed to be an inherent part of the desire for beauty. The creation of fashion scapegoats and beauty icons allows us not only to conceal our own insufficiency from ourselves, but also to avoid accepting responsibility for the part we all play in the processes of mimetic desire.


(1) Lefebure, L. D. (1996) 'Victims, violence and the sacred: the thought of Rene Girard' in The Christian Century , 113, 4, p. 1227.


(2) Ibid, p. 1227


(3) Girard, R. (1988) To Double Business Bound: Essays on Literature, Mimesis and Anthropology, John Hopkins University Press, p. 201.

Cell Phone Fashion


Home > Cell Phone Fashion: Personalizing Mass Production

Cell Phone Fashion: Personalizing Mass Production


Reprinted at Fashion Worlds February 2006 with permission of the Daily India


By Emily Sims


“Individuality: advanced features, precision engineering and couture style in a choice of elegant colors -- as individual as you are”. This is the blurb for the new Motorola Razr, one of the new breeds of mobile phone flying off the shelves. Where mobiles were once marketed as an high-tech device, a tool packed with ingenious features, the new trend is for fashion phones. The major handset manufacturers are now offering seasonal collections, joint-venturing with well known fashion designers, and emphasizing aesthetic features when marketing their products. Indeed, some companies are scaling back the technical, yet utilitarian features, offering simpler but sleeker phones; form over function. Somewhere along the evolutionary path of the cell phone, the device has reached the point where it is no longer considered a gadget, available only to the privileged few with the money and/or technical savoir faire, but an ordinary piece of equipment not unlike a wristwatch. For handset manufacturers, there is no benefit in trying to “out-tech” the competition. The technology has reached a stasis, cell phones are reliable, small, WAP enabled, contain innumerable clocks and alarms, include high resolution cameras and MP3 players. And excepting some radical departure from the silicon chip, the current technology can expect only slight improvements. For manufacturers the question is how to continue adding value to their product, for consumers it is a question of choice. A report produced by ARCchart offers some insight into this new trend: “For the consumer faced with a range of seemingly identical devices from a technical perspective, the aesthetics of a device can generate an emotional response to which they will ascribe a value and for which they will pay a premium”.


The rise of the fashion phone is inextricably linked with the consumer's desire to differentiate themselves from other consumers. The pursuit of individuality seems to be a priority, at least that is what companies like Motorola believe. The staggering growth in the mobile content industry points to consumer preoccupation with personalizing their mobiles. The catch-phrase, "Make it you own", is selling ringtones, wallpapers, phone charms and decorative cases; now it's selling fashion phones. More and more, it seems, what we own defines us. Despite capitalizing on the trend at lightening speed, handset manufacturers aren't the prophets. Personalization, the trend towards customized and fashion phones is consumer driven. In China, where mobile phone saturation is high, it is possible to see phones worn on the wrist in handmade lace cases, or covered in stickers of pop stars and smiley faces. In Japan, the omnipresent Hello Kitty dangles from every schoolgirl's phone. These small aesthetic additions are intended to reveal something about the phone's owner. A Samsung cell phone emblazoned with an image of Diane von Furstenberg serves a similar purpose. As does the Roberto Cavali phone, or the Anna Sui phone. "Cell phones have become a ubiquitous accessory-- every woman has a mobile phone by her side. I wanted to create one that makes a statement with a signature look", declares Ms. Sui on her website. Making a statement is expensive, a designer's name on a phone increases it's value by several hundred dollars. It is no longer a high-tech tool, it is a designer accessory.


Not surprisingly, engineers like Bill Schweber are wondering who stole their glory. "Engineers do design, and by this we mean the hard and slogging work of pulling together ICs and software and resolving mechanical, thermal, power, display, format, protocol, and packaging issues. Then a celebrity comes along and takes all this hard work, puts on a new case or shell—perhaps studded with crystals or glitter—and takes the bulk of the credit. Once again, engineers do the work and don't get the appreciation." Recently, Nokia has undertaken a project with the design firm of Schulz and Webb, to explore the possibilities of personalized phones. The Schulz and Webb blog describes the project as "looking at how personalization of Nokia phones can change their meaning or impact culturally. Large-scale manufacture is inevitably distanced from the very precise social context of use. Once we bring in short-run manufacture, however, the mobile can be more culturally situated." Nokia have realized, at least, the inevitable paradox of mobile personalization. At the end of the day, the mobile phone in your hand is a mass produced clone.


Emily Sims is the beautiful and talented ringtones queen at Foovely. She also keeps a popular blog.